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TEXAS, USA — When Nathan Hecht ran for the Texas Supreme Court in 1988, no Republican had ever been elected to the state’s highest civil court. His election foreshadowed a coming transformation of the court, civil legal procedure and Texas itself. Hecht is the longest tenured Supreme Court justice in Texas history. He won six reelections and led the court as chief justice for more than a decade. He heard more than 2,700 oral arguments, authored 7,000 pages of opinions, and retires now not because he’s had enough, but because state law requires him to. Late on a Friday afternoon, just two weeks before he hung up his robe, he was still in his office, his mind mired in the work that was left to be done. “This is always a really busy time for us, because the opinions are mounting up to be talked about,” he said. “It’ll be busy next week.” Hecht began as a dissenter on a divided court, his conservative positions on abortion, school finance and property rights putting him at odds with the Democratic majority and some moderate Republicans. But as Texas Republicans began dominating up and down the ballot, his minority voice became mainstream on one of the country’s most conservative high courts. In his administration of the court, Hecht has been a fierce advocate for the poor, pushing for more Legal Aid funding, bail reform and lowering the barriers to accessing the justice system. “If justice were food, too many would be starving,” Hecht told lawmakers in 2017. “If it were housing, too many would be homeless. If it were medicine, too many would be sick.” Hecht’s departure leaves a vacancy that Gov. Greg Abbott , a former justice himself, will get to fill. He may elevate a current justice or appoint someone new directly to the chief justice role. Whoever ends up in the top spot will have to run for reelection in 2026. In his typical understated manner, so at odds with the bombast of the other branches of government, Hecht told The Texas Tribune that serving on the court has been the honor of his life. “I have gotten to participate not only in a lot of decisions shaping the jurisprudence of the state, but also in trying to improve the administration of the court system so that it works better and fosters public trust and confidence,” he said. “So I feel good about the past,” he said. “And I feel good about the future.” A ‘sea change’ Born in Clovis, New Mexico, Hecht studied philosophy at Yale before getting his law degree from Southern Methodist University. He clerked on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia and returned to Texas, where his reputation preceded him. As a young lawyer, Tom Phillips, a former chief justice and now a partner at Baker Botts, reached out to a Dallas law firm that had promised to hire him the next chance they got. “I called them a few months later and said, ‘So I assume you never got a vacancy,’” Phillips recalls. “And they said, ‘Well, we did, but we had a chance to hire Nathan Hecht, so you’ll understand why we went ahead and did that.’” Hecht was appointed to the district court in 1981 and quickly made a name for himself, pushing the court to modernize their stenography practices and taking the unusual step of writing opinions as a trial judge. He was elected to the court of appeals in 1986, and ran for Texas Supreme Court two years later. This race came at a low point for Texas’ judiciary, after a string of scandals, ethics investigations, eyebrow-raising rulings and national news coverage made several sitting Supreme Court justices household names — and not in a good way. Seeing an opportunity, Hecht challenged one of the incumbents, a Democrat who’d been called out in a damning 60 Minutes segment for friendly relationships with lawyers who both funded his campaigns and argued before the court. Hecht teamed up with Phillips and Eugene Cook, two Republicans who had recently been appointed to the court, and asked voters to “Clean the Slate in ’88,” separating themselves from the Democrats by promising to only accept small donations. “Party politics were changing in the state at the same time, but the broader issue on our court at the time was to ensure that judges were following the law,” Hecht said. “That was a driving issue.” Since Phillips and Cook were incumbents, Hecht was the only one who had to take on a sitting Supreme Court justice. And he won. “It really was a sea change in Texas political history,” Phillips said. “He was the first person ever to do that in a down ballot race, to defeat a Democrat as a Republican.” Political changes Republican dominance swept through the Supreme Court as swiftly as it did Texas writ large. The last Democrat would be elected to the court in 1994, just six years after the first Republican. But even among Bush-era Republicans filling the bench, Hecht’s conservatism stood out. In 2000, he wrote a dissent disagreeing with the majority ruling that allowed teens in Texas to get abortions with a judge’s approval if their parents wouldn’t consent, and a few years earlier, ruled in favor of wealthy school districts that wanted to use local taxes to supplement state funds. His pro-business bent stood out next to the court’s history of approving high dollar payouts for plaintiffs. Alex Winslow, the executive director of Texas Watch, a consumer advocacy group, told the New York Times in 2005 that Hecht was “the godfather of the conservative judicial movement in Texas.” “Extremist would be an appropriate description,” Winslow said. “He’s the philosophical leader of the right-wing fringe.” The only other justice who regularly staked out such a conservative position, according to the New York Times, was Priscilla Owen, who President George W. Bush appointed to the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in 2005. Hecht and Owen, who now goes by her maiden name, Richmond, wed in 2022 . Wallace Jefferson, Hecht’s predecessor as chief justice, said Hecht’s sharp intellect and philosophical approach to the law improved the court’s opinions, even when he ultimately didn’t side with the majority. “He was a formidable adversary,” said Jefferson, now a partner at Alexander Dubose & Jefferson. “You knew that you would have to bring your best approach and analysis to overcome Nathan’s approach and analysis ... You had to come prepared and Nathan set the standard for that.” Hecht briefly became a national figure in 2005 when he helped Bush’s efforts to confirm Harriet Miers to the U.S. Supreme Court. As her longtime friend, Hecht gave more than 120 interviews to bolster Miers’ conservative credentials, jokingly calling himself the “PR office for the White House,” Texas Monthly reported at the time . This advocacy work raised ethical questions that Hecht fought for years, starting with a reprimand from the State Commission on Judicial Conduct. Hecht got that overturned. The Texas Ethics Commission then fined him $29,000 for not reporting the discount he got on the legal fees he paid challenging the reprimand. He appealed that fine and the case stretched until 2016 , when he ultimately paid $1,000. Hecht has largely stayed out of the limelight in the decades since, letting his opinions speak for themselves and wading into the political fray mostly to advocate for court reforms. While Democrats have tried to pin unpopular COVID and abortion rulings on the justices in recent elections, Republicans continue to easily win these down-ballot races. Hecht is aware of the perception this one-party dominance creates, and has advocated for Texas to turn away from partisan judicial elections. In his 2023 state of the judiciary address , Hecht warned that growing political divisions were threatening the “judicial independence essential to the rule of law,” pointing to comments by both Democratic politicians and former President Donald Trump. But in an interview, Hecht stressed that most of the cases the Texas Supreme Court considers never make headlines, and are far from the politics that dominate Austin and Washington. “There’s no Republican side to an oil and gas case. There’s no Democrat side to a custody hearing,” he said. “That’s the bread and butter of what we do, and that’s not partisan.” Hecht’s reforms Unlike its federal counterpart, the Texas Supreme Court is often a temporary port of call on a judge’s journey. Many, like Abbott, Sen. John Cornyn and U.S. Rep. Lloyd Doggett , leave for higher office. Others, like Owen and 5th Circuit Judge Don Willett, leave for higher courts. Most, like Phillips, leave for higher pay in private practice. But Hecht stayed. “I didn’t plan it like this,” Hecht said. “I just kept getting re-elected.” Hecht had been considering retirement in 2013, when Jefferson, the chief justice who replaced Phillips, announced he would be stepping down. “He wanted me to consider being his successor,” Hecht said. “So I did, and here I am. I didn’t say, ‘Let’s spend 43 years on the bench,’ but one thing led to another.” In 2013, Hecht was sworn in as chief justice by then-U.S. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, another great dissenter whose views later became the majority. While the Texas Supreme Court’s political makeup has changed largely without Hecht’s input, the inner workings of the court have been under his purview. And that, many court watchers say, is where his greatest legacy lies. Hecht ushered in an era of modernization, both to the technology and the rules that govern justice in Texas. He led a push to simplify the appellate rules, removing many of the trapdoors and procedural quirks that led to important cases being decided on technicalities. The court scaled back how long cases could drag on by limiting discovery, including how long a deposition can go. And he ensured every case was decided before the term ended, like the U.S. Supreme Court. “I think people generally don’t understand the impact the rules can have on the equitable resolution of disputes, but they’re enormous,” Jefferson said. “Nathan recognized that at an early juncture in his career.” Hecht pushed Texas to adopt e-filing before many other states, which proved prescient when COVID hit. Hecht, who was then president of the national Conference of Chief Justices, was able to help advise other states as they took their systems online. Hecht also dedicated himself to improving poor Texan’s access to the justice system, pushing the Legislature to appropriate more funding for Legal Aid and reducing the barriers to getting meaningful legal resolutions. He helped usher through a rule change that would allow paraprofessionals to handle some legal matters like estate planning, uncontested divorces and consumer debt cases, without a lawyer’s supervision. “Some people call it the justice gap. I call it the justice chasm,” Hecht said. “Because it’s just a huge gulf between the people that need legal help and the ability to provide it.” Hecht said he’s glad this has been taken up as a bipartisan issue, and he’s hopeful that the same attention will be paid even after he leaves the court. “No judge wants to give his life’s energy to a work that mocks the justice that he’s trying to provide,” he said. “For the judiciary, this is an important issue, because when the promise of equal justice under law is denied because you’re too poor, there’s no such thing as equal justice under the law.” What comes next Despite the sudden departure of their longtime leader, the Texas Supreme Court will return in January to finish out its term, which ends in April. Among the typical parsing of medical malpractice provisions, oil and gas leases, divorce settlements and sovereign immunity protections, the high court has a number of more attention-grabbing cases on its docket this year. Earlier this year, the court heard oral arguments about the Department of Family and Protective Services’ oversight of immigration detention facilities, and in mid-January, they’ll consider Attorney General Ken Paxton’s efforts to subpoena Annunciation House, an El Paso nonprofit that serves migrants. They’ll also hear arguments over Southern Methodist University’s efforts to cut ties with the regional governing body of the United Methodist Church. Other cases will be added to the schedule before April. Phillips, who has argued numerous cases before the Texas Supreme Court since leaving the bench, said Hecht’s loss will be felt, but he expects the court to continue apace. “It’s not a situation like it might have been at some point in the past where if one justice left, nobody would know what to do next,” he said. “It’s an extremely qualified court.” As for Hecht, he’s tried to put off thinking too much about what comes next for him. He still has opinions to write and work to finish. He knows he wants to stay active in efforts to improve court administration nationally and in Texas, and he’s threatened his colleagues with writing a tell-all book, just to keep them on their toes. But beyond that, he’s waiting for the reality of retirement to sink in before he decides on his next steps. “We’ve got 3,200 judges in Texas, plus adjuncts and associate judges and others,” he said. “I really think it’s such a strong bench, and I am proud to have been a part of it. I look forward to helping where I can.” ___ This story was originally published by The Texas Tribune and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.i slot ph

Donald Trump can keep his campaign pledge to help average Americans, or he can keep Elon Musk. He can’t do both. Trump won in large part because he persuaded 77 million Americans that he understands and cares about gas, groceries and the corrosive impact of inflation. Musk’s interference with a bipartisan budget deal shows the billionaire does not. It was Musk who led the charge to jettison a plan to keep the government funded. No one will even notice if the federal government grinds to a halt for a few weeks, agreed Musk, the wealthiest person in the world. Spoken like a billionaire who has never stood in a grocery store line figuring how many meals he could make from one pound of hamburger; never stretched a budget for Christmas gifts; never sweated over a delayed Social Security check; never rented an apartment on the $28,530 U.S. Army privates earn. A budget deal would have been signed and a crisis averted but for Musk’s ranting on X, his $44 billion social media megaphone, against the budget that House Speaker Mike Johnson had worked out with Democrats on Dec. 17. Before dawn the next morning, Musk bombarded his millions of followers with the first of more than 150 tweets attacking the compromise. He threatened defeat at the polls for any member of Congress who voted for it. Trump later said, unconvincingly, that Musk had acted with his approval. The president-elect has the right to choose his own counselors, and if he believes the multiple billionaires he has tapped for Cabinet, agency and ambassador posts will best carry out his policies, that is his privilege. Musk holds no such post. The Department of Government Efficiency, the “agency” he has been tapped to head, does not actually exist. He was elected by no one, even though he has eclipsed JD Vance, who was elected by millions. That doesn’t directly impact average Americans’ pocketbooks, but the U.S. budget does. The spending bill Musk sabotaged ensured that military families would get paid over the holidays. It provided disaster relief to West Florida and financial aid to farmers. It barred internet services from ripping off rural customers and reined in hidden hotel fees. It provided money for poor children to quickly get out-of-state cancer treatment. Musk was not only proud when it all went up in flames. He was gleeful. And why not? The 1,500-page deal contained bipartisan provisions potentially restricting U.S. corporate investments in technology in China, where Musk already has one Tesla factory and intends to build another. “It is no surprise, then, that ‘President’ Musk does not want to see a funding deal containing this provision be signed into law,” wrote Rep. Rosa DeLauro, D-Conn., ranking member of the House Appropriations Committee, in a letter to House leaders. Musk spent at least $260 million to elect Trump, who promptly rewarded him by naming him co-chair of this Department of Government Efficiency that Congress has yet to establish. At Mar-a-Lago, he has been interviewing other prospective appointees. And what does Musk bring to the table that would benefit Trump’s family-first pledges? Not economic acumen. Musk and fellow investors in Twitter have lost an estimated $25 billion as his toxic policies prompted advertisers and users to flock to smaller — but saner — platforms. Housing costs are backbreaking, but the man who once owned three mansions on the same street asserts that “homelessness” is primarily propaganda to describe violent drug users. And despite his avowed axe-wielding approach to budgeting, he doesn’t sneer at all bloated federal contracts. Musk’s SpaceX has vacuumed up more than $10 billion in government deals even as federal agencies are reviewing whether it played fast and loose with state secrets. There is infinite potential for more Musk damage. For example, he endorsed the far-right Alternative for Germany party in its forthcoming election. Widely regarded as neo-Nazi, a party member suggested gassing immigrants, according to Sen. Chris Murphy, D-Conn., and another described Jews as an inner enemy. It doesn’t matter that a budget bill was eventually passed. It matters that Trump allowed Musk to borrow his spotlight, shatter campaign promises still fresh in voters’ minds and come away with nothing to show for it except the perception that Musk is running the show. Trump should not be seeking Musk’s advice on appointees. He should be asking whether he has created the political equivalent of Dr. Frankenstein’s fictional monster. The more Trump indulges Musk, the shakier his own reign will be. The Sun Sentinel Editorial Board consists of Opinion Editor Steve Bousquet, Deputy Opinion Editor Dan Sweeney, editorial writers Pat Beall and Martin Dyckman, and Executive Editor Gretchen Day-Bryant. To contact us, email at letters@sun-sentinel.com .PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.



WASHINGTON (AP) — A machinists strike. Another safety problem involving its troubled top-selling airliner. A plunging stock price. 2024 was already a dispiriting year for Boeing, the American aviation giant. But when one of the company's jets crash-landed in South Korea on Sunday, killing all but two of the 181 people on board, it brought to a close an especially unfortunate year for Boeing. Javascript is required for you to be able to read premium content. Please enable it in your browser settings.

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Rachel Christian | (TNS) Bankrate.com Just because retirement planning involves some guesswork doesn’t mean it has to be a total mystery. Related Articles Business | The year in money: inflation eased, optimism ticked upward Business | Nearly half of US teens are online ‘constantly,’ Pew report finds Business | How to protect your communications through encryption Business | About 2.6 million Stanley cups recalled after malfunctions caused burns. Is your mug included? Business | Musk says US is demanding he pay penalty over disclosures of his Twitter stock purchases Whether you’ve been saving since your first job or you’re getting a late start, you can leverage expert-recommended strategies to gauge your progress on the road to retirement. And if you’re not quite on track, don’t sweat it — the experts we spoke to offered actionable tips to help you close the gap. You might have a general idea of how much money you need to save for retirement . A few quick calculations can give you an estimate, but to truly appreciate where you stand, you’ll need to dive into the numbers. Here’s how to get started. A good rule of thumb to estimate your retirement savings goal is the Rule of 25 . Simply multiply your desired annual retirement income by 25. The result is roughly how much you’ll need to save before hitting retirement. For example, if you plan to spend $50,000 a year, you’ll need about $1.25 million to make it a reality. The Rule of 25 is based on the idea that withdrawing 4% annually from your retirement savings should last you about 30 years. While it’s not an exact science by any means — health care costs and lifestyle changes can skew the numbers, for example — the Rule of 25 can be a good starting point to figure out how much you need to save. Fidelity Investments, a behemoth in the retirement planning space, offers savings guidelines to help you determine if you’re on track . —By age 30: Save 1x your annual salary —By age 40: Save 3x your annual salary —By age 50: Save 6x your annual salary —By age 60: Save 8x your annual salary —By age 67: Save 10x your annual salary For example, if you earn $60,000 annually, you should aim for $600,000 in savings by age 67. But like the Rule of 25, Fidelity’s guidelines offer a 10,000-foot look at retirement goals, and they’re not customized to your situation. Maybe you earned a low salary in your 20s, but you’re working hard in your 30s to make up for it. Use these estimates as a benchmark — but don’t get discouraged if you’re lagging behind. Now it’s time to zoom in a little. To get a clearer snapshot of your progress, use an online retirement calculator. These tools factor in your age, current savings, income and lifestyle goals to estimate whether you’re on track. You’ll get a more refined estimate without crunching the numbers yourself. Bankrate’s retirement calculator even lets you input different rates of return on your investments and accounts for estimated annual salary increases. Having a general savings goal is nice, but to avoid falling short in retirement, you’ll need more than a ballpark figure. Experts recommend creating a retirement budget to get an up-close-and-personal look at how much you’ll really need once you leave the workforce. First, estimate how much you’ll spend per month in retirement. While some costs will increase, like health care, others will likely decrease, like dining out and commuting. “Estimating expenses can be challenging for some people, so as a starting point, I often use your net take-home pay,” says Jeff DeLarme, a certified financial planner and president of DeLarme Wealth Management. For example, if you receive a direct deposit of $2,500 every two weeks from work, use $5,000 as your estimated monthly spending in retirement. “Assuming this was enough to pay the bills while working, we can use $5,000 a month as a starting budget to plan for,” says DeLarme. Next, map out your sources of income in retirement. Social Security is the largest income stream for most retirees, but don’t neglect other inflows, such as: —Workplace retirement accounts, like 401(k)s —Personal retirement accounts, like a traditional or Roth IRA —Pensions —Annuities —Selling your home or business —Rental income —Inheritance “If there’s a gap between your expected expenses and income, you’ll have a good idea of how much you need to save,” says Mike Hunsberger, a certified financial planner and owner of Next Mission Financial Planning. From there, you can adjust your savings and investment strategy accordingly. For something as important (and complex) as retirement planning, it pays to speak with a professional. Financial advisers can analyze your savings, investments and retirement goals to create a personalized plan. Advisers use special planning software that account for more variables than an online calculator, giving you a much more precise, granular look at your financial life in retirement. Many financial advisers can also help you optimize your tax strategy, which can potentially save you thousands of dollars over time. Make sure the adviser you hire is a fiduciary , meaning they’re legally obligated to prioritize your interests over their own. A fiduciary won’t push investments to earn a commission or recommend products that aren’t aligned with your needs. A certified financial planner is one of the most well-recognized designations for fiduciaries. You can use Bankrate’s adviser matching tool to find a certified financial planner in your area in minutes. Maybe you did the math and realized you’re not quite where you need to be. Don’t panic if you’re behind schedule. Here are five strategies experts recommend to help you catch up on your retirement savings . Cutting expenses now frees up more cash to invest in your retirement accounts. Evaluate your budget and identify areas where you can cut costs, like dining out, streaming subscriptions or shopping. Don’t rule out bigger lifestyle changes either, especially if retirement is rapidly approaching. Housing is the biggest monthly expense for most people. Getting creative here can help amplify the amount you can sock away, says Joseph Boughan, a certified financial planner and managing member at Parkmount Financial Partners. It can also reduce your expenses in retirement, so you may not need to save as much as before. “Downsizing can be a great way to cut expenses,” says Boughan. “This can even free up cash if you don’t end up needing all that money for a new home.” Moving somewhere with lower property taxes or income taxes can also help bring your retirement plan back in line. And if you’re a renter, making tough short-term decisions, like taking on a roommate or moving to a lower cost-of-living area, can free up hundreds of dollars a month for your retirement. “Everyone’s plan is unique, so exploring all the options is important,” Boughan says. Joe Conroy, a certified financial planner and owner of Harford Retirement Planners, recommends taking a “retirement test drive” as you near your target date. “Start to live on what income you think you can afford in retirement and stash all the extra income into savings and investments,” says Conroy. “If you can make it through each month, you’re ready for retirement. If you run short, then adjust your plan accordingly.” Working a little longer can be a game-changer for your retirement nest egg. Not only does it give you more time to save, it also gives your investments room to grow. “Working longer or even just part time for a few years early in retirement is one of the best ways to reduce the amount of money you need to save,” says Hunsberger. Postponing retirement can also boost your Social Security benefits . “You can claim as early as 62, but your benefits will be reduced significantly,” says Hunsberger. Meanwhile, each year you delay claiming Social Security benefits beyond your full retirement age , your monthly check will increase by 8%, though this benefit maxes out at age 70. So waiting can really pay off. It may seem obvious, but if you’re behind on retirement savings, you’ll need to boost your contributions as much as possible. Here are a few ways to make saving for retirement easier: —Increase your contribution rate: Allocate a larger portion of your paycheck to a workplace retirement plan. Even bumping up your contributions by 1% or 2% can make a huge difference down the road. —Take advantage of your employer match: Don’t leave free money on the table. Many employers will chip in between 3 and 5% depending on your plan, so make sure you’re contributing enough to take advantage of the benefit. —Use “unexpected” money to catch up: If you get a raise or bonus at work, funnel part of it directly into your 401(k). And if you get a refund at tax time, siphon some of it off to beef up your IRA. If you’ve been investing in low-risk, low-return investments, you may not be keeping up with inflation, let alone growing your nest egg. Reallocating part of your portfolio to stocks or low-cost growth exchange-traded funds (ETFs) is one way to get your money working harder. Higher-risk investments like stocks carry more volatility but also offer higher potential returns. Work with a financial adviser or use a robo-adviser to strike the right balance between growth and your personal risk tolerance. Contribution limits for 401(k) plans and IRAs are higher for people over 50. For 2025, employees aged 50 and up who participate in most 401(k) plans or the federal government’s Thrift Savings Plan can save up to $31,000 annually, including a $7,500 catch-up contribution . But thanks to SECURE 2.0 , a sweeping retirement law, a new higher catch-up contribution limit of $11,250 applies for employees ages 60 to 63. So, if you’re in this age group, you can squirrel away a whopping $34,750 a year during the final stretch of your career. Of course, you’ll need a big salary (think six figures) in order to take full advantage of such massive contribution limits. But if you can afford it, these catch-up allowances can put your plan back on track, especially if you struggled to save much early in your career. There’s no GPS to gauge your progress on the road to retirement. If you’ve veered off course or aren’t sure where to start, begin by getting a quick estimate of how much you’ll need before mapping out a retirement budget. And if you’re behind, don’t panic — adjusting your spending, boosting your contributions and speaking with a financial adviser can help you catch up. ©2024 Bankrate.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.1 2 Lucknow: The Jayant Chaudhary-led Rashtriya Lok Dal will step up its social harmony campaign to mark the 122nd birth anniversary of former PM late Chaudhary Charan Singh on Dec 23, nearly 11 months after Central govt conferred Bharat Ratna on the farmer leader. RLD national general secretary (organisation) Trilok Tyagi said: "The party has asked the state units to form district-wise teams to carry out the drive across UP and elsewhere. The idea will be to touch upon every section of society and highlight the ideas of Charan Singh, who strived for the welfare of all communities, primarily farmers." The occasion will traditionally be observed as ' Kisan Diwas ' to mark Charan Singh's struggle for the rights of farmers and improving their lives. The BJP also plans programmes across the state in an attempt to revisit Charan Singh's legacy and reflect on the importance of empowering the agricultural sector for the nation's growth. RLD's campaign marks its subtle bid to contrast with the Hindutva hardline positioning of its senior ally, the BJP, with CM Yogi Adityanath often whipping up the "Batenge to Katene" narrative. The move, experts said, underlines RLD's bid to engage with the Muslims and Dalits—the two key constituents which determine the electoral fortunes of any political outfit—more closely, months after it snapped ties with the Samajwadi Party and joined the BJP-led NDA just before the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. While RLD managed to win both the allocated seats of Baghpat and Bijnor, the BJP faced a setback with its tally going down from 62 to 33. Sources said RLD also seeks to bolster its poll footprints among the Jats and Gurjars to make up for any potential loss of Muslim support which it garnered while being in alliance with the Samajwadi Party. Sources said plans were afoot to unveil statues of Charan Singh at a host of places, including in Rajasthan's Alwar. Stay updated with the latest news on Times of India . Don't miss daily games like Crossword , Sudoku , and Mini Crossword .(BPT) - Every year, roughly 20-30% of older Americans head to warmer climates for the colder winter months. Snowbirds are often retirees on fixed incomes, though flexible work environments now provide more opportunities for anyone to spend several months escaping the chill. Whether on a fixed income or an empty nester with disposable income, consumers are interested in saving money where they can. With this in mind, snowbirds can look to their AARP membership to take advantage of relevant discounts and offerings as they fluff their feathers and get ready for takeoff. From savory breakfast options while driving to your seasonal destination, to home and auto protection, and even resources to support mental and physical health, AARP member benefits offer deals and savings that will help snowbirds take flight this winter. "Spending winters in warmer places has so many benefits that come with being able to be outside more often. Warmth and sunlight not only increase serotonin levels , which can result in more positive moods and a calm, focused mental outlook, but they also stimulate vitamin D production and may even boost immunity ," said Elvira Christiansen, Director of Retail and Loyalty for AARP Services. "An AARP membership makes it even better by offering savings as you plan your trip, as well as at many dining, entertainment and retail locations you will come across in your winter getaway destination, helping you to enjoy it to the fullest." 1. Order Up Road trips are often the preferred way to travel to a winter home for the flexibility of having a car once there. Whether your drive will have you behind the wheel for hours or days, you'll want to make sure you have your meals planned out. Fill up with a tasty breakfast or lunch with a stop at Denny's, which is easy to spot from most major highways. AARP members can save when heading to Denny's . With over 1,500 locations nationwide, members save 15% on everything from diner classics to breakfast items every day; maximum discount not to exceed $10. Restrictions apply. 2. Primary Care from Almost Anywhere Feeling under the weather can put a damper on your winter travels, so it's a good idea to make sure you can access quality healthcare even when you're at your winter destination. If you are on Medicare, you can check whether there is an Oak Street Health primary care clinic near you. Oak Street Health , the only primary care provider to carry the AARP name, provides primary care for adults on Medicare and focuses on prevention with personalized care to help keep you healthy — physically, mentally and socially. Benefits include same-day/next-day appointments where available, convenient locations, a dedicated care team and a 24/7 patient support line. AARP membership is not required to visit an Oak Street Health clinic. 3. Wellness Checklist Once you check off primary care needs for your winter destination, don't overlook other priorities like maintaining your prescriptions and protecting your vision. Start by making sure your prescriptions are up to date before you head out of town. If you do need a refill while you're away, you have access to a free prescription discount card from AARP ® Prescription Discounts provided by Optum Rx ® that can be used at over 66,000 pharmacies nationwide for savings on FDA-approved medications. You do not need to be an AARP member to take advantage of these benefits, though AARP members receive additional perks, including deeper discounts on medications, home delivery, coverage for your dependents and more. If you're having trouble with your vision, want to update your sunglass prescription, or simply want to maintain your annual visits to an optometrist or ophthalmologist while away, AARP members have access to information on vision insurance options that offer individual and family plans, featuring a large doctor network, savings on frames, lens enhancements, progressives and more. 4. Home (Safety) Away from Home One thing that should always be a priority is keeping your home safe while you're away for the winter. While Neighborhood Watch is always helpful, long periods away from a home require additional security systems. With an AARP membership, homeowners can secure their homes for less. Members save 5% on monthly home security monitoring with ADT Home Security , which covers smart home security systems including intrusion monitoring, connected smoke and CO detection, and smart automation for video doorbells, security cameras and smart locks. 5. Pack Auto Coverage in Your Luggage Driving south for the winter? Utilize AARP member benefits to save on auto care so you can road trip worry free. AARP members save up to 20% on annual membership fees for Allstate Roadside Assistance plans, which provides access to assistance for towing, jump-starts, tire changes, lockout assistance, fuel delivery and more. Allstate Roadside plan benefits can be used 24/7 in any car you drive, including rented and borrowed ones. And, if you want to bring any personal items with you but don't have room to squeeze them in your car, Budget Truck Rental has a variety of trucks for you to choose from. AARP members can save 20% on local or one-way truck rentals on Sunday through Thursday and 10% on Friday and Saturday, plus receive a $10-per-day Physical Damage Waiver. Regardless of how you're traveling or spending your winter months, AARP member benefits can help you maximize your budget while you prioritize the things that matter. To learn more about the benefits and discounts for AARP members to help you prepare for your relaunch, please visit aarp.org/save . AARP member benefits are provided by third parties. AARP receives a royalty fee for the use of its intellectual property. These fees are used for the general purposes of AARP. Provider offers are subject to change and may have restrictions.

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MIAMI (AP) — The top United Nations human rights watchdog on Tuesday ordered Venezuela to avoid destroying tally sheets and other electoral material as it investigates allegations that President Nicolás Maduro stole this summer's election. Read this article for free: Already have an account? To continue reading, please subscribe: * MIAMI (AP) — The top United Nations human rights watchdog on Tuesday ordered Venezuela to avoid destroying tally sheets and other electoral material as it investigates allegations that President Nicolás Maduro stole this summer's election. Read unlimited articles for free today: Already have an account? MIAMI (AP) — The top United Nations human rights watchdog on Tuesday ordered Venezuela to avoid destroying tally sheets and other electoral material as it investigates allegations that President Nicolás Maduro stole this summer’s election. The U.N. Human Rights Council announced the opening of the probe in a letter to several Latin American jurists who in October petitioned the U.N. agency to take action in the face of what is said was widespread evidence of electoral fraud that violates the political rights of millions of Venezuelans. Maduro claimed he won the July contest by a large margin and is preparing to start a third, six-year term in January. But electoral authorities have so far refused to publish voting records to back such claims, as they have in the past, amid calls by the U.S., European Union and even leftist allies from Brazil, Colombia and Mexico to do so. Meanwhile, the opposition has published online what appear to be authentic tallies from 80% of polling machines showing that its candidate, Edmundo González, won by a more than 2-to-1 margin. The October petition, made on behalf of a regular Venezuelan citizen, alleges that Maduro officials committed multiple human rights violations by restricting the ability of millions of Venezuelans abroad, publishing false results and blocking any challenges in court. Paulo Abrao, a Brazilian attorney who was among those behind the complaint, said the decision comes as a crucial time, as the Maduro government is seeking to “normalize its nebulous electoral process” in the hopes the rest of the world will move on amid so many other pressing international crises. “We cannot allow that to happen,” said Abrao, the former head of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. “Now there is a formal case being processed in an international body with binding force. Venezuela has the obligation to comply with the decision.” Winnipeg Jets Game Days On Winnipeg Jets game days, hockey writers Mike McIntyre and Ken Wiebe send news, notes and quotes from the morning skate, as well as injury updates and lineup decisions. Arrives a few hours prior to puck drop. ____ Follow AP’s coverage of Latin America and the Caribbean at https://apnews.com/hub/latin-america Advertisement Advertisement

AUSTIN, Texas (AP) — Any Texas or Texas A&M player has heard the lore of the rivalry between the two schools, a grudge match that dates to 1894. But for more than a decade — two generations of college football players — that's all it has been: Ghostly memories of great games and great plays made by heroes of the distant past. That changes this week when one of college football's great rivalries is reborn. Third-ranked Texas (10-1, 6-1) and No. 20 Texas A&M (8-3, 5-2) meet Saturday night for the first time since 2011, with a berth in the Southeastern Conference championship game on the line . “Guys that have been in my position and bleed burnt orange, they have not gotten to play this game,” said Texas fourth-year junior safety Michael Taaffe, who grew up in Austin. “Remember them when you step on Kyle Field.” For Aggies fans, who have carried the misery of Texas' 27-25 win in 2011, getting the Longhorns back in front of a frenzied crowd in College Station is a chance for some serious payback. “I was born and raised an Aggie, so I’ve been dreaming about playing in this game my whole life,” Texas A&M offensive lineman Trey Zuhn III said. Zuhn played high school football in Colorado, but his parents and grandparents attended A&M. At SEC media days back in August, Zuhn said his family would turn Texas gear upside down in stores. He keeps a picture of a longhorn in his room, hanging upside down, of course. “It should be the most amazing atmosphere that I’ve ever experienced,” Zuhn said. "I can’t wait for that, and I feel bad for Texas having to play in that." Texas players said they are ready. “That place is going to be rocking,” Texas senior cornerback Jahdae Barron said. “It's good to go on the road and play in hostile environments.” The Longhorns have overcome big and loud road crowds before. They won at Alabama in 2023. They won at Michigan and Arkansas, another old rival, this year. The Longhorns have won 10 in a row on an opponent’s home field. “When the hate is on us, we love it. We enjoy it,” Taaffe said. But some former Texas players say the current group has faced nothing like what awaits them in College Station. Playing at Texas A&M is more than just noise and a lot of “Horns down” hand signals. The “Aggie War Hymn” fight song calls for Aggies to “Saw varsity’s horns off." Beating Texas is their passion, said former Longhorns All-American offensive lineman Dan Neil, who won at Texas A&M in in 1995. He calls that win one of the best of his career. “I was done showering and getting ready to leave, and their fans were still standing outside the locker room screaming and throwing things,” he said. “The (Texas) players have no idea what they are walking into. They have no clue. No one on that team has walked into that stadium in burnt orange.” The rivalry broke up when Texas A&M left the Big 12 for the SEC in 2012. The Aggies have twice finished tied for second but have otherwise found little success there. Texas is in its first year in the SEC and has smashed its way to the top. Texas is the only SEC team with one loss this late in the season, which would make beating Texas that much sweeter for A&M. “The hype is definitely saying it's a rivalry. History says it's a rivalry, but for us, it's the football game we have this week,” Texas senior center Jake Majors said. “It's important for us to not let the environment, the game, get the best of us. ... I get to go out there and play not only for me and my team, but for the guys who came before me, so that's a true honor to have.” Even though the game hasn't been played since 2011, there has always been an element of the rivalry simmering under the surface, Texas A&M coach Mike Elko said. Elko is in his first year as the Aggies' coach, but he was the Texas A&M defensive coordinator under Jimbo Fisher from 2018-2021. “Even though it hasn’t been played, it just doesn’t feel like it’s ever really left the fabric. I really don’t think it’s as removed from the psyche as maybe it feels,” Elko said. “I think our kids are very much aware of what this is all about.” Rieken reported from College Station, Texas. Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up here . AP college football: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-football-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-footballIn the last three seasons, the Dallas Cowboys finished with a 12-5 record. Things took a turn for the worse in 2024 as the Cowboys will end the season with a losing record. More news: Giants' Malik Nabers Refuses to Answer Question on New York Tanking For No. 1 Pick Defensive star Micah Parsons--who experienced his first losing season with the organization-- shared his thoughts on how the team will bounce back next season. "One, we're gonna have to get healthy," Parsons told reporters. "I mean, we got 3 or 4 starters who aren't coming back until mid next season. We got to plan for that. We got to get healthy. We got to keep coming together." Dallas experienced a slew of injuries this season, the most notable being to $60 million man Dak Prescott. But the nightmarish season hit a low point on Sunday as the Philadelphia Eagles routed the Cowboys 41-7. The Eagles started the game with a huge pick-six, setting the tone for the remainder of the divisional matchup. "We didn't start as good as we did those last couple of games..." Parsons said postgame, via the team transcript . "When you lose that turnover battle against the top team in the NFL , that's kind of like the outcome. We didn't play our brand of football today." A Cowboys defense that had been solid in generating pressures and turnovers in the past few weeks, looked nothing like that in Week 16. The Philadelphia offense, led by backup quarterback Kenny Pickett and later third-stringer Tanner McKee, recorded 376 yards. "Big plays, when you look at their play, they had two big runs, and three good deep shots. Other than that, we made them earn it..." Parsons said. "If you take away the scoreboard, it was about five plays that decide this game." As the Cowboys look to regroup next season, the NFC East is only going to get tougher. The Eagles, who clinched the NFC East title with their triumph today, and the Washington Commanders have both found their quarterbacks of the future. The New York Giants have a chance to do the same in the upcoming NFL draft. Parsons admitted it would be a challenge to overcome the rest of the division in the coming years. "It's going to be a very difficult next couple of years," Parsons said. The key to reclaiming the NFC East is the return of key playmakers such as Trevon Diggs and DeMarvion Overshown. However, both players are expected to miss the start of the 2025 season. For more on the NFL , visit Newsweek Sports .

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